Though addressing a number of important issues the latest EU summit in Brussels has not yielded any spectacular results and the media in Poland seem to agree that this country's delegation achieved very moderate success.

Slawek Szefs reports.

Just as they had pursued separate routes to Brussels, the Polish governmental and presidential teams have made their way back to Warsaw in the same manner. Prime minister Donald Tusk sounded optimistic sharing his first impressions still in the Belgian capital, though he somewhat avoided reporters upon returning home: 'Together with seven other member country leaders we have managed to convince the EU to postpone its decision on the final shape of the energy and climate package so that it is made unanimously.'

In this manner Poland has secured two months of precious time to re-adapt its gas emmissions strategy, despite initial fears that the struggle over competences between the offices of the president and prime minister could prove destructive to Polish interests during the summit debates, says Marcin Sobczyk - Warsaw bureau chief of Interfax Central Europe: 'Despite what Poles think and what the Polish media reported the quarrel was not that important for the EU summit. Poland gained the veto right for the climate and energy package in December. It is a very important thing, but the Polish govenment must work on that so the energy sector does not have to carry a very big burden of buying all carbon dioxide emissions rights in auctions, as initially planned. That veto right is very important.'

Voicing the same reasons for satisfaction as the government head, Lech Kaczynski returned to Warsaw with visible concern regarding the enigmatic, in his opinion, EU assessment of the Georgian crisis. This manifested itself especially in the soft stand on the role of Russia, the president stressed: 'I have not changed my view that Europe has failed to display firmness on this matter. Though the the ultimate wording of the resolution was slightly modified, I consider it highly inadequate.'

Marcin Sobczyk is not surprised, neither by the critical position of the Polish president, nor by the more flexible approach of a number of Union members towards Russia: 'The EU position towards that country is a result of a mixture of various proposals. Some countries, especially Germany, Italy or France have a different view of Russia. They do not have all the painful history related to Russia. On the other hand, they have a lot of business to do with that country. So, obviously, their stance is less dramatic. Poland, with its history and very limited business opportunities it has with that country, feels very strongly about whatever is going on in the East. But the Polish position is important. Without it, I think, the EU stand would be even softer. With it, it has some balance and reflects the eastern countries' view of what Russia is.'

This matter is bound to bring fresh comments and solutions with a return to negotiations on the new EU-Russia cooperation agreement. Meanwhile, PM Tusk has disclosed that Nicolas Sarkozy is planning a visit to Poland, possibly on December 6th, to personally convince Lech Kaczynski to sign the already parliamentary ratified Lisbon Treaty, the adoption of which the French EU presidency has set at the top of its priority list.